1. The average Congressperson today represents over 758,620 American Citizens. Each time a Congressperson votes in Congress on any issue, they vote for all 758,620 Citizens within their District with a Yes or a No. THEY CAST ONE VOTE FOR 758,620 DIFFERING OPINIONS.

2. Each U.S. Senator represents each American Citizen within their State, in Florida 20 Million. Each time the Senators vote in Congress on any issue, they also vote for all 20 Million Citizens with 1 Vote.

3. So, how do these Congresspersons & Senators know what the “Feelings & Opinions” of each & every one of all their constituents are on any subject? THEY DON’T, there is no current system in place that allows them to KNOW OUR OPINIONS.

4. If the Congresspersons & Senators don’t know what each & every American Citizens’ opinions are within their district on any subject, HOW CAN THEY VOTE ON ANY ISSUE BEFORE CONGRESS THAT REPRESENTS THE ACTUAL “Feelings & Opinions” of their American Constituents?

5. The original U.S. Constitution required that Congresspersons not represent more than 30,000 American Citizens, and at worst, the Founding Fathers agreed upon 40K – 60K as maximums.

6. The U.S. Constitution does not indicate that Congresspersons need to know the “feelings & opinions” of Lobbyists, Special Interest Groups, Wealthy Corporations, or Wealthy Individuals, which even James Madison referred to these groups in the Federalist Papers as “FACTIONS”

7. The intent of Our Founding Fathers was for Congresspersons to have the ability to know the “feelings & opinions” of each of the American Citizens within their District, NOT THE OPINIONS of Billion Dollar CORPORATIONS that will promise Congresspersons & Staffers employment after their Congressional terms. Promising Salaries & Bonuses up to HUNDREDS OF TIMES greater than that of their Congressional Salary

8. Each State also has many times-over more Lobbyists in each of the States than Congresspersons; serving the same purpose within the State Legislature as they serve in Washington. 

9. In 1787 the technology of today, known as THE INTERNET, was not available to our Founding Fathers.

However, had the INTERNET been available, my belief is that the Founding Fathers would have insisted that the Congresspersons utilize such a tool, which would allow Congresspersons to actually know what the “feelings & opinions” of each & every American Citizen was on any issue that would require the Congressperson’s Vote in Congress.

10. Since the Internet became available in 1969, our Government has endorsed & utilized its benefits: 

In 1969 the IRS began using the internet 
In 1986 the IRS created an Electronic Platform
​In 1990 E-File expanded Nationwide
In 1997 the SSA created an Electronic Platform
In 1998 Congress passed IRS RRA 98 (containing a provision setting a goal of an 80 percent e-file rate for “all federal tax and information returns.”) 

Presently the Internet is used by City, County, State, and Federal Agencies in order to communicate properly with the American Citizens.

So, with the Internet being endorsed and utilized by all levels of Government as the preferred communication with WE THE PEOPLE, WHY WOULD THE INTERNET NOT BE RECOGNIZED AS THE MOST EFFICIENT WAY FOR CONGRESSPERSONS TO LEARN & KNOW WHAT THE “FEELINGS & OPINIONS” OF EACH OF THEIR CONSTITUENTS ARE?  

Constituents could cast their Opinions from their homes & offices, or their local library,

and Congresspersons could review the results for their Districts from their homes & offices.

Observing the Reapportionment of our Representation over the years, it appears that the (1/30,000) Ratio that REMAINS suggested in the Original U.S. Constitution was never followed exactly by Congress. 

Plus, as of 1929 Congress decided without asking THE AMERICAN PEOPLE that the Reapportionment Mandate needed to be Terminated, and that 435 Representatives would indefinitely be sufficient to KNOW and VOTE the Opinions & Interests of the Population at Large, regardless of the number of Constituents in each Congressional District. 

Year           Population                   # of Representatives        Constituents per District
1790          3,929,000                                  65                                 60,446
1800          5,308,000                                 105                                50,552
1850        23,191,000                                 227                              102,162
1900        76,094,000                                 357                              213,148
1920      106,461,000                                 435                              244,737
2020      330,000,000                                 435                              758,620  

FOR THE PAST 99 YEARS, REAPPORTIONMENT HAS NOT OCCURRED.     As of 2019, Congressional Districts average over 758,620 Constituents in each District, 
Yet, Not One Congressperson knows what the Opinions of their 758,620 Constituents are!

We The People should DEMAND that our Opinions be known & heard!
WE THE PEOPLE should have DEMANDED this over 25 years ago.

REPRESENTATION of the people is controlled CURRENTLY by our elected 435 Congressional Representatives; our Congresspersons. 

With all of our Laws & Regulations being created or repealed by our 435 U.S. Congresspersons, along with the checks & balance approvals from our 100 elected U.S. Senators, and the President of course; these Laws & Regulations become either the FREEDOMS or the BURDENS to all Americans collectively at Large. 

Our U.S. Constitution was activated on March 4, 1789; over 231 years ago.

The very first Article of the U.S. Constitution, Article I, controls the PULSE of not only the following 6 Articles of the Constitution, but also the Amendments that we have added to that U.S. Constitution over the past 231 years, all because HOW the American Citizens are REPRESENTED is determined in this First Article. 

It is a Fact, based on the evidence of the HISTORICAL PAST, that all Governments eventually evolve into a Tyranny to the Peoples that established it, due to the LOVE OF POWER.

The American Citizens that make up our Federal Government are not the problem, they are simply patriotic citizens like you & I that have chosen to serve us in protecting our Freedoms. However, Our SYSTEM OF REPRESENTATION is what is Broken, not our Representatives. I would even describe our present System as OUT-DATED and in need of REVISION.

Our Public Servants (our Congresspersons) are very much like our children. Even if you properly instruct them as to what their limits are, you still have to watch them closely when they are not in your presence to ensure that Other Factions do not tempt them to alter their behavior from the limits you placed on them. 

Our elected Representatives are charged with Representing WE THE PEOPLE collectively, and at the same time, they must discern how to & whether to avoid the temptations provided to them from FACTIONS such as WEALTHY INDIVIDUALS, LOBBYISTS, CORPORATIONS, SPECIAL INTEREST FACTIONS SUCH AS POLITICAL PARTIES.

Our Founding Fathers established the best set of rules possible at the time to ensure that future generations remained Free and protected from obvious dangers from other Countries, as well as from ourselves. 

The Delegates that gathered in 1787 and created our Laws for Freedom and Our Representation encountered the same Factions of the Love of Power as we experience today, and they also encountered the Factions of Wealthy Individuals, Lobbyists, Wealthy Corporations, and Special Interest Factions and Political Parties that influenced their Congresspersons for personal gain during their generation.

You MUST realize that our Federal Government was created 
BY USWe The People
we were not created by our Federal Government.

Our Federal Government was created 
FOR USWe The People
to serve our needs, not for us to serve the needs and requirements of the Government.
Our Federal Government was created utilizing a portion 
OF USWe The People
Every person within the Government are simply fellow American Citizens.

The Federalist Papers & the Anti-Federalist Papers (which are the writings of our Founding Fathers during the Constitutional Convention in 1787) are generally considered to be one of the most important contributions to political thought or political science made in America.

The authors not only discussed the issues of the Constitution, but also many general problems of politics.
Thomas Jefferson called The Federalist Papers; and I quote-

"the best commentary on the principles of government...ever written." End of quote.

For the 19th-century English philosopher, John Stuart Mill, The Federalist Papers were; and I quote -

"the most instructive treatise we possess on federal government." End of quote.

The astute French political commentator, Alexis de Tocqueville, thought it; and I quote - 

"an excellent book, which ought to be familiar to the statesmen of all countries." End of quote.

In the 20th century, historians, jurists and political scientists have generally agreed that The Federalist is the most important work of political philosophy and pragmatic government ever written in the United States.

And it has been consulted by the leaders of many new nations in Latin America, Asia and Africa as they were preparing their own constitutions. 

There can be no doubt that the Federalist Papers became, and remain, the most authoritative commentary on the document known as the U.S. Constitution.

The following are the actual “Opinions & Interests” of our Founding Fathers Regarding REPRESENTATION of the American Citizens as documented over 233 years ago: 

AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well-constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction.

Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the trust of the People, and then betray the interests of the people.

If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. A DEPENDENCE ON THE PEOPLE IS no doubt, the primary control on the government.

As it is essential to liberty that the government in general should have a common interest with the people, so it is particularly essential that the legislative branch should have an immediate dependence on, and an intimate sympathy with, the people. 

No man can be a competent legislator who does not add to an upright intention and a sound judgment a certain degree of knowledge of the subjects on which he is to legislate.

THE number of which the House of Representatives is to consist, forms another and a very interesting point of view, Scarce any article, indeed, in the whole Constitution seems to be rendered more worthy of attention.

It is a sound and important principle that the representative ought to be acquainted with the interests and circumstances of his constituents. 

The aim of every political constitution IS, or ought to be, first to obtain for rulers, men who possess most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to pursue, the common good of the society; and in the next place, to take the most effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous whilst they continue to hold their public trust. 


I will add, as a fifth circumstance in the situation of the House of Representatives, RESTRAINING them from oppressive measures, that they can make no law which will not have its full operation on themselves and their friends, as well as on the great mass of the society. This has always been deemed one of the strongest bonds by which human policy can connect the rulers and the people together. 

What is to restrain the House of Representatives from making legal discriminations in favor of themselves and a particular class of the society? 

If this vigilant and manly spirit which actuates the people of America shall ever be so far debased as to tolerate a law not obligatory on the legislature, as well as on the people, the people will be prepared to tolerate anything but liberty. 

THE remaining charge against the House of Representatives, which I am to examine, is grounded on a supposition that the number of members will not be augmented from time to time, as the progress of population may demand. Within every successive term of ten years a census of inhabitants is to be repeated. 

There is a peculiarity in the federal Constitution which insures a watchful attention in a majority both of the people and of their representatives to a constitutional augmentation of the latter.
The depravity of human nature, illustrated by examples from history, will warrant us to say, it may be possible, if not probable, that the congress may be composed of men, who will wish to burden and oppress the people. But what reason have we more than past ages, to expect that we shall be blessed with impeccable rulers? We think not any.

At the same time, we think The People ought carefully to guard against giving so much as will enable those rulers, by that means, at once, or even in process of time, to render themselves absolute and despotic. 

For power is a very intoxicating thing, and has made many a man do unwarrantable actions, which before he was invested with it, he had no thoughts of doing.
On the other hand, we shall dismiss from our employ as soon as possible, such persons as do not consult our interest and will not follow our instructions. 

For there are, I fear, a few persons among us, so wise in their own eyes, that they would if they could, pursue their own will and inclinations, in opposition to the instructions of their constituents. But when WE The People instruct them, as they are our representatives and agents, we should insist on their acting and voting conformable to our directions.

It being impracticable for the people to assemble to make laws, they must elect legislators, and assign men to the different departments of the government. In the representative branch we must expect chiefly to collect the confidence of the people, and in it to find almost entirely the force of persuasion. 

In forming this branch, therefore, several important considerations must be attended to. 
It must possess abilities to discern the situation of the people and of public affairs, a disposition to sympathize with the people, and a capacity and inclination to make laws congenial to their circumstances and condition. 

It must afford security against interest combinations, corruption and influence. It must possess the confidence and have the voluntary support of the people. A fair and equal representation is that in which the interests, feelings, opinions and views of the people are collected, in such manner as they would be were the people all assembled.
In America we have done more in establishing this important branch on its true principles, than, perhaps, all the world besides. Yet even here, I conceive, that very great improvements in representation may be made.
In every society there is an effort continually tending to confer on one part the height of power and happiness, and to reduce the others to the extreme of weakness and misery; the intent of good laws is to oppose this effort, and to diffuse their influence universally and equally. 

We are not only to balance these natural efforts, but we are also to guard against accidental combinations; combinations founded in the connections of offices and private interests.
The second combination is a faction of unprincipled men, often distinguished for their wealth or abilities, who combine together and make their object their private interests. 

Men who live by fees and salaries endeavor to raise them; and the part of the people who pay them, endeavor to lower them.
Where there is but ONE representative to 30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants, it appears to me, he can only mix and be acquainted with a few respectable characters among his constituents. 
There can be but little personal knowledge, or but few communications, between him and the people at large of either of those districts.

Men will be governed by the motives and temptations that surround their situation.
It is a disagreeable truth that power perverts men's views in a greater degree than public employments inform their understandings.
Men in high public offices are in stations where they gradually lose sight of the people, and do not often think of attending to them, except when necessary to answer private purposes. Laws which were to be equal to all are soon warped to the private interests of the administrators and made to defend the usurpations of a few.
It is said the members of congress must return home and share in the burdens they may impose; and, therefore, private motives will induce them to make mild laws, to support liberty, and ease the burdens of the people.
Therefore, we may fairly presume, that a very great proportion of the members of congress, especially the influential ones, instead of returning to private life, will be provided for with lucrative offices, in the civil or military department; and not only the members, but many of their sons, friends, and connections.
Another observation is, that congress will have no temptations to do wrong. The men that make that observation must be very uninformed, or suppose they are talking to children. 

In the first place, the members will be governed by all those motives which govern the conduct of men and have before them all the allurements of offices and temptations to establish unequal burdens, before described.
In the second place, they and their friends, probably, will find it for their interests to keep up large armies, navies, salaries, etc., and in laying adequate taxes. 

In the third place, we have no good grounds to presume, from reason or experience, that it will be agreeable to their characters or views, that the body of the people should continue to have power effectually to interfere in the affairs of government. 

But it is confidently added, that congress will not have it in their power to oppress or enslave the people; that the people will not bear it.
We are to consider the natural progress of things - that men unfriendly to republican equality will go systematically to work, gradually to exclude the body of the people from any share in the government, first of the substance, and then of the forms.